The #MosqueMeToo Movement

2018 marked a sweeping year of change and awareness for women across the spectrum, including Muslim women.

Building on the momentum established by the #MeToo movement, the founder of the #MosqueMeToo movement, Mona Eltahawy, has sought to bring similar societal awareness to Muslim women within the Muslim community and empower Muslim women to have a more proactive role in their communities. Despite difficulties, the importance of such a cause is undeniable.

What #MosqueMeToo Is All About

Women have often remained voiceless on issues regarding sexual harassment and assault. According to a World Health Organization (WHO) survey conducted in 2015, 75% of the world’s roughly two billion women 18 years or older have experienced sexual harassment. Furthermore, analysis of the data concludes over 80% of the adult female population in Muslim-majority countries, such as Afghanistan and Saudi Arabia, have been negatively impacted. Granted, these statistics can vary depending on one’s definition as to what constitutes sexual harassment, but these facts still paint a daunting picture of a serious problem in society regarding the basic human right to feel safe. 

However, hash-tag movements and the social synergy that is created by them can strengthen voices so that they are heard. A revolutionary movement, called #MeToo, started in 2007 and was revived in October 2017 on social media outlets, such as Twitter and Facebook, to expose sexual assault incidents and provide a sense of unity for survivors. Inspired by the momentum created by #MeToo on social media, Egyptian-American writer, activist and journalist, Mona Eltahawy, began the #MosqueMeToo movement to give an active voice to women who experienced sexual violence in the Muslim community and have long been silenced in male-dominated cultures. 

A focus of the movement is exposing sexual violence at sacred places, such as during the Hajj. Although Saudi Arabia’s Council recently passed an anti-harassment law that punishes offenders and protects victims’ dignity as insured by Islamic law abuse continues to occur in the Gulf country because of underlying gender inequalities says Eltahawy. Consequently, giving Muslim women a greater voice in their community will allow them as caretakers of children, to empower their daughters and instill parity of women in their sons, to incrementally move the needle with each generation, so that men no longer see women as inferior.

The Hajj is a particular place of tension for Muslim women who report instances of sexual abuse by men during the annual spiritual pilgrimage.

As discussed, sexual violence in the sacred places of the Muslim community, especially during the Hajj, is not an anomaly. The spark that ignited the #MosqueMeToo movement began in February 2018 by Eltahawy when she tweeted her experience during the Hajj after being inspired by a harrowing Facebook post by a Pakistani woman, Sabica Khan, who shared her own incident. Eltahawy wanted to distinguish the #MosqueMeToo movement from #MeToo to ensure it “breaks the race, class, gender and faith lines that make it so hard for marginalized people to be heard.” 

With increased globalization, transportation technology, and the Internet, the world’s interconnectedness is unparalleled—social media platforms are giving women a voice that we may not have arguably heard before. Eltahawy noted that her Twitter thread was liked or retweeted “thousands of times” and shared in a variety of languages, such as Arabic, Spanish, and German. The synergy that has been created from the #MeToo and #ChurchToo (which exposes sexual abuse and harassment in Christian religious sites) movements are highlighting that the experiences felt by women in the Muslim community are not anomalous, but are shared across the religious and culture spectra.

Eltahawy has expressed numerous goals. Above all, she hopes for positive outcomes for the basic treatment of women. Her objectives include: men having conversations with each other and their families about sexualized violence, holy sites giving sermons and launching campaigns reminding Muslims that "Islam demands the respect of women,” insisting authorities and police need to be trained on how to discern and handle assaults, and calling for more female personnel at the holy sites. She fearlessly requested that the Grand Mosque Imam to address the safety of female Muslims during the Hajj. Inspiring her supporters to continue the movement, Eltahawy has exhorted them: “don’t let it die on social media unless it dies in the society.”

The significance of the #MosqueMeToo movement is multifaceted. Supporters seek to use the movement to empower those most vulnerable: Muslim women, who have been taken advantage of primarily by men and religious figures. By establishing a network seeking to challenge the societal norms Muslim women are joining the movement to challenge the accountability of the crimes because they refuse to simply be victimized, especially in sacred places.

The Quran and Other Concerns with #MosqueMeToo

However, the movement has faced its hurdles. Eltahawy’s insinuation that the Quran is irrelevant in addressing how women should pray is a highly inflammatory statement to many Muslims. There seems to be a division in the movement between the emphasis on a literal adherence to the Quran, versus a less rigid interpretational frame. Amina Wadud, an international Quranic scholar and mentor to Eltahawy, emphasizes the importance of reinterpreting the Quran so that the Muslim community can cultivate more liberating, inclusive, equitable laws.

There are also Muslims who feel that this movement will only amplify Islamophobia and substantiate their false arguments that portray Muslim men as evil. Some Muslim women fear that exposing the Muslim community’s “skeleton in the closet” will enable society to further blame Muslims (“#MosqueMeToo”). When women do speak up, both in society and on social media, they are told that they have an overactive imagination, it is their fault, they want to destroy Islam, they are too ugly to be assaulted, etcetera (“#MosqueMeToo”). However, due to the supporters’ determination to include men as a solution to the problem in the movement these inquiries may avoid that slippery slope. Activists are using the #MosqueMeToo movement to promote that sexualized violence is not just a “woman’s issue.” They are expressing this by advocating for candid discussion among men within the community to help break the connotation that it occurs without retribution.

Where to from here for #MosqueMeToo? 

The #MosqueMeToo movement has enabled Muslim women to be heard regarding the sexualized violence that they have endured in both the religious and secular aspects of their lives. Significantly, the movement is endeavoring to end the gagging and shaming of Muslims within the community who have experienced this abuse by encouraging individuals to continue to share their stories, the religious leaders to denounce such acts, and highlight the importance of men taking greater responsibility on this issue. 

For this aspirational movement to have a lasting impact on the Muslim community, it needs to leverage social media and broaden its message to a wider audience to public policy makers and the judicial system—lest the movement operate in a vacuum and run out of oxygen causing it to be short lived and ineffective.

*This is a guest post from MaryAnne O'Neill and was originally written as an essay in an "Introductoin to Islam" course at the University of Florida in Summer 2018. 

Explaining the Hajj pilgrimage

Nearly 2 million Muslim pilgrims are gathering in the holy city of Mecca in Saudi Arabia for the Hajj. This five-day pilgrimage is a once-in-a-lifetime obligation for all Muslims who have the physical and financial ability to undertake the journey.

Millions of Muslims come from countries as diverse as Indonesia, Russia, India, Cuba, Fiji, the United States and Nigeria – all dressed in plain white garments.

Men wear seamless, unstitched clothing, and women, white dresses with headscarves. The idea is to dress plainly so as to mask any differences in wealth and status. 

The pilgrimage is considered to be the fifth pillar of Islamic practice. The other four are the profession of faith, five daily prayers, charity and the fast of Ramadan.

What is the religious and political significance of this annual pilgrimage?

Commenting on quotes in Christianity Today

“Two years ago, the heroic actions of some Kenyan Muslims brought their majority-Christian nation together. The Oscar-nominated film depiction of that heroism may do so again—if many people watch. Watu Wote is a fictional retelling of real-life horror.”

— Jayson Casper, Christianity Today

When Mr. Casper reached out to talk to me about Watu Wote, a 22-minute film about Muslims protecting Christians from a militant attack that was nominated for the Live Action Short Film category at the 90th Academy Awards, I was excited to share some of my perspective and research from my time in Kenya back between 2012-2014. 

I am happy with how the Christianity Today article came out, but I wanted to share my full comments to give my measured critique and muted optimism a bit more context than what Mr. Casper ever could in this article (not his fault, that's just the nature of a piece like that!).

In the end, while I laud the Muslims who protected their Christian brothers and sisters and believe that Kenyans will continue to find their own ways to inter-religious harmony and cooperation (as they often have in the past) I believe that film representations such as Watu Wote -- and the discourse surrounding it -- can veer dangerously close to playing the game of “good Muslim”/“bad Muslim” where “good Muslims” are those who protect Christians and “bad Muslims” are those who attack Christians. The truth is much more muddled and this type of representation puts the onus on Muslims to be the ones to have to change for interfaith peace to be possible rather than reminding Christians in Kenya -- and elsewhere -- that they have a massive part to play.

My comments about viewing "Somalis as Samaritans" echo this sentiment and call Christians to critically consider how their postures might need to shift in order for inter-religious peace to be proceeding apace. Read my full interview below...

• You noticed a tendency among evangelicals to move from describing Muslims/Somalis as shifta to Samaritans. What does this mean in terms of interfaith relations, or Kenyan unity?

The way we frame, define, or imagine ourselves and others plays a critical role in how we think, speak, and act. It also informs how we vote, how we live our lives in day-to-day relations, where we live, who we interact with, and how we interact with them. 

In this particular case, I thought it was interesting to note how the evangelical Christians I was talking to so readily identified “their Samaritans” as Somalis — and the “Somali Muslim” in particular. 

On the one hand, it illustrated a certain softening of their views toward Somalis, their neighbors to the north. They were not viewing them simply as “shifta” — bandits — but instead as Samaritans. This is significant from an evangelical perspective for two reasons. First, in the context of Samaritans as they are discussed in the Gospels, the Samaritan is the one who helps a man heal from an attack by bandits on the Jericho road. Second, they were seen as related to, and yet distinct from, the Judeans that Jesus predominately did his work among. And so, when these evangelical Christians referred to Somalis as Samaritans they were trying to say that Somalis were not necessarily bandits, enemies, or inherently evil (as the blanket term “shifta” implies), but possibly even heroes in certain stories (as with the “Good Samaritan”). They were also saying that while Kenyans (here imagined as “Judeans”) and Somalis are different, they are also related in terms of geography, history, and culture. It was a way for these evangelical Christians to make Somalis relatable, redeemable, and respectable within the frameworks of their conceptual Christian universe. This perspective is a whole lot more positive than a lot of the popular, political, or public representations of Somalis swirling around at the time of the Westgate Mall attacks and against the backdrop of violent al-Shabaab militancy. 

On the other hand, these evangelical Christians were still seeking to maintain boundaries and their positions of power in Kenya’s political, geographic, religious, and social context. For the Judeans of Jesus’ day, Samaritans were “other.” So too for these Kenyan Christians, Somalis are still maintained as “other” when called Samaritans. As I wrote in the paper, “with an influx of Somali migrants in Kenya, in rural settlements but even more in urban areas, and the growth of Islam (real or perceived) and the accompanying connections of people via transportation, monetary dealings and communication technologies, Kenyan evangelicals’ need for boundaries is felt ever more strongly on economic, political, social and religious levels. With Somalis long defined as ‘the other’ in contradistinction to ‘the Kenyan’ and his/her way of life, the increased presence of Somalis in Kenya’s cities, economy, political realm, headlines and national psyche threatens to blur boundaries and deconstruct Kenyan identity. This is even more pronounced within evangelical circles as Somalis/Muslims threaten the evangelical community ethos, which is intricately tied up with local social life, economics and politics. Hence, the evangelizing stance toward Somalis. With Christians in close contact with Somalis at the economic, political, social and religious levels, Somalis can no longer be alienated as shifta, as bandits at the border or in the hinterland of ‘Greater Somalia’, but must now be perceived as ‘other’ in a different, perhaps more redeemable, way. Thus, evangelization [the goal to convert Somali/Samaritans into Christians/Kenyans] is still a tool used to portray Somalis/Muslims as fundamentally different, and even opposed to, what it is to be Kenyan/Christian, although there is still is a noticeable modification in perception.”

Specifically, in terms of interfaith relations and Kenyan unity, this means that there is now more room in the imagination for Somalis to be part of Kenya.

Like I said, there is a certain softening in perception in this shift from imagining Somalis as shifta to imagining them as Samaritans. However, how Somalis become part of a unified Kenya is still very much on the Kenyan Christians’ own terms. They must be converted in order to truly be “Judeans” or, in this case, Kenyans. 

This shift is a mixed bag for interfaith relations. While conversations across boundaries of identity must begin with an imaginative engagement and empathy with the perceived “other,” this shift in the imagination concerning Somalis doesn’t quite fill me with confidence that encounters between Somali Muslims and Kenyan Christians will necessarily always be valuable. They could be, but there are still a lot of boundaries — physical, conceptual, theological — to be crossed. 

With that said, there are many encouraging stories that speak of healthy, valuable, and elegant relationships between Christians and Muslims in Eastern Africa. My research did not focus on those, but you can find others who have written about these stories in popular and academic venues. 

• Do other non-evangelical Christians mirror this move? How would you characterize Christians as a whole at either the pole of shifta, or at the other of citizenship?

Yes, other Christians mirror this move or even go beyond. While I did not perform a comprehensive survey of evangelicals in Kenya — or perform in-depth ethnography — I talked with many Christians from broader evangelical traditions as part of this research. I have also received feedback about this piece from others that has helped me better understand. 

First, during my research, I talked with other Christians who agreed with the characterization of Somalis as Samaritans rather than as shifta. Others have echoed this in reaction to my article and said things to the effect of, “that’s exactly it! I would maybe have not used the same language, but Somalis are our Samaritans!” Still, others have disagreed. One young woman told me that, “this doesn’t match my experience.” She said, “for me Somalis are Somalis. They are good people, hard-working, loving, neighbors, friends, and co-workers. I wouldn’t call them Samaritans. I would just call them my friends.” 

And so, I think it is impossible to characterize the Christian view of Somalis in any one way. I think it falls along a spectrum from extreme fear, hate, and distrust to radical openness, hospitality, and perhaps even relative indifference to who Somalis are or what is being said about them. The vast majority probably fall in the middle and that is part of what I was trying to capture in my piece. Evangelical Christians are perhaps shifting their conceptions of Somalis, but they still haven’t moved to open engagement, hospitality, or the dissolution of boundaries. 

Many of the Christians I talked to discussed how they are friends, neighbors, or colleagues with Muslims (Kenyan or Somali). They expressed how they trusted them in business, enjoyed conversations with them, and generally had no problem interacting with them. They never expressed any fears that they were taking over, corrupting, or soon to attack the nation or people of Kenya. 

At the same time, many of these same evangelical Christians would emphasize the need to convert them, to open their eyes to the way of Jesus, and would hint that this was the only way they could truly be brothers and sisters with them. Some didn’t say this and assumed the common humanity between Muslims and Christians, but enough did that I think it would be the majority opinion. 

• What is it that would draw Kenyans toward better interfaith relations? Would a film like Watu Wote be more effective than government or religious statements or sermons? Or less?

More conversations, intentional interactions, and a reduced-tension political environment would all go a long way in improving better interfaith relations in Kenya. The first two are largely in the hands of Eastern Africans. 

The latter, however, is enmeshed in the broader, global, “War on Terror.” As long as Eastern Africa is imagined as a key “battleground” in the “War on Terror” and Kenya and Somalia as a “bloody border” between Muslims and Christians (a la Samuel Huntington’s “Clash of Civilizations” thesis) interfaith relations will continue to remain tense. 

In general, I believe that Christians in Kenya are keen to build bridges with their Muslim neighbors. You see this in the softening of their language, in the openness of their imagination, and even in their desire to evangelize. 

A film like Watu Wote can do two things to help move conversations and interactions between Muslims and Christians in a positive direction. First, as an interactive artifact of popular culture it can perhaps serve as a guiding light, or cultural touchpoint, that Christians and Muslims can turn to and say, “Look, see, how in this instance Muslims and Christians saw in each other common humanity and protected one another against violence and hate?!” Second, it can serve as the basis for further conversations. Christians and Muslims could gather around to watch, discuss, and interpret the film together. Art and culture can serve as beautiful vehicles for interfaith engagement and conversation. This film can help move interfaith conversations forward by providing an imaginative, and engaging, means to talk about our common humanity and our shared values. 

However, I must also caution that this film seems geared toward a Western audience. I’d be curious to know just how successful it was in Kenya (I am not saying it wasn’t, I just didn’t see any firm statistics). That it was directed by a German and nominated for an Academy Award speaks to how Western audiences are drawn to this type of narrative. While it is good that we see that “Muslims aren’t terrorists” in popular culture we should also be careful — as outsiders and Westerners — to not enforce or overly encourage our own versions and visions of interfaith peace on Christians, Muslims, and others in Kenya and Somalia. In the end, it will not be a film that will change the future, but the daily interactions between Muslims and Christians on the ground in these areas and places. This may not bring about rapid change, but through the glacial grind of time the relationships formed between Muslims and Christians in small towns like Oloitokitok, in transit centers like Emali, or in cities like Nairobi will be where the work gets done and lives are transformed. 

• Might Christian or evangelical Kenyans be upset at the film’s positive portrayal of Muslims/Islam, or instead see it as a reinforcement of national unity? How would you describe the tension between a desire for Christian exclusivism and a desire for national peace?

I don’t imagine that the Kenyan Christians I talked to would be necessarily upset about the positive portrayal of Muslims in this case. I think that fact will be celebrated. I think it will be, and most likely has been, celebrated as a symbol of potential national unity and common humanity. 

It must be said that al-Shabaab is still al-Shabaab here. There is still an enemy in this film. It’s not Muslims, but a particular type of Muslim that is being condemned in this film. The film is seemingly trying to shift the “us” v. “them” from that of Kenyan Christian v. Somali Muslim to peace lovers v. violent extremists. I don’t think evangelical Christians should be against such a portrayal and would most likely cheer it. 

However, the film would still need to be critiqued to see what new “others” it is creating here and if members of al-Shabaab are being made out as inhuman when juxtaposed with the Muslims protecting Christians. It seems to me that perhaps there is a game of “good Muslim”/“bad Muslim” being played out in this film where “good Muslims” are those who protect Christians and “bad Muslims” are those who attack Christians. Just like with the shift from shifta to Samaritan, the game is still being played on Christian ground. Muslims must conform. Muslims must perform certain actions. Muslims must be good for us all to get along. The primary onus of maintaining peace and unity is placed on Muslims and not as fully on Christians. 

I don’t think a desire for Christian exclusivism is necessarily antithetical to a desire for national peace. However, the question must be asked what norms are certain participants in these cultural, political and social conversations expecting national peace and unity to conform? Is it that to be unified we must all be the same religion? Most Kenyans (or Americans or Germans for that matter) are not so naive to actually think so, but sometimes the language and imagination around this issue seems to hint at such a point of view. 

What might truly help this conversation about national unity move forward would be if Muslims — Somali, Kenyan, or otherwise — were permitted in popular culture, the public imagination, and in political terms to be accepted and affirmed as they are, not as how evangelical Christians, or others, imagine them or want them to be.  

I am reminded here of a quote from Kwame A. Appiah in his book Cosmopolitanism where he wrote, “…conversations across boundaries of identity — whether national, religious, or something else — begin with the sort of imaginative engagement you get when you read a novel or watch a movie or attend to a work of art that speaks from someplace other than your own….the encounters, properly conducted, are valuable in themselves. Conversation doesn’t have to lead to a consensus about anything, especially not values; it’s enough that it helps people get used to one another.” (Kindle locs. 1347-1366)

Why the stories of Latinx Muslims matter

There is the mother who converted when she saw her son transition from a life of drugs and crime to one of prayer and faithful religious practice. Then there's the story of the guy who met the woman of his dreams, moved to Kenya to pursue her, and converted in order to become her husband. Or there is the Marine who took the shahadah while stationed in Japan. There are former Pentecostals and Catholics, Jehovah's Witnesses and agnostics, atheists and Mormons; they've all converted to Islam. They are from Puerto Rico and Mexico, Argentina and Ecuador, San Franciso and San Salvador, New York, Newark, Miami, and Houston. 

They are Latinx Muslims, one of the fastest growing religious communities in the U.S. 

When I started learning from Latinx Muslims back in 2012 I was able to cobble together a few articles from scholars such as SpearIt, Patrick Bowen, and Hisham Aidi, read a single monograph (Hjamil A. Martínez-Vásquez's Latina/o Y Musulmán: The Construction of Latina/o Identity among Latina/o Muslims in the United States), peruse blogs, and talk to leading Latina/o Muslims like Juan Galvan, Daniel Abdullah Hernandez, Mujahid Fletcher, Isa Parada, and Juan Alvarado to complete my research. The result was my master's thesis Islam en Español: The narratives, demographics, conversion causeways, & conditions for community cohesion among Latina/o Muslims in the U.S. 

At the end of my thesis, I wrote there was still a pertinent need to expand research in this area and in the quest for quality, comprehensive, newswriting and coverage, that students and commentators should provide more nuanced information about this important religious community. Over the last several years I have seen an increasing amount of new research, publications, and writing on the subject. It's an exciting time to be in the field. 

Just this year, five major publications have come out -- or are on their way -- that will help scholars and a wider public better understand the why, what, when, where, and how of Latinx conversion to Islam and how Latinx Muslims are shaping the American religious scene and impacting the broader Muslim world. Below I provide a brief overview, review, and comment on each of them before concluding with some ideas for the future, and some suggestions for how these might spur further research and consideration of Latinx Muslims in the U.S. and beyond:

1. Latino Muslims: Our Journeys to Islam by Juan Galvan

I start with this text because it is both highly valuable and for me, it is highly personal. Since I first met Isa Parada at a masjid in Houston, TX and began learning from my Latinx Muslim teachers and friends I have remained humbly fascinated with Latinx Muslim journeys through the uncertainties of being "quadruple minorities" -- Latinx in the Muslim community, Muslim in the Latinx community, Latinx in the U.S., and Muslim in the U.S. 

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This text, which I turned to in its draft form as a website and blog during my master's research, not only presents general comments on the place of Latinx Muslims in the American Muslim story, but it also does the simple, but significant, service of presenting scores of stories from Latinx Muslims themselves. Readers listen to men and women from across the Americas who identify as Latina, Latino, Latinx, Hispanic, or Spanish-speaking tell their stories of reversion (or 'conversion,' Latinx Muslims refer to their conversions as 'reversions,' both because they believe in fitra -- that human beings are born with an innate inclination toward tawhid [the oneness of God] and draw on their Andalusian roots to speak to the very Arab and Muslim basis of much of Latinx culture, language, and history). 

Readers will enjoy how Galvan frames these narratives with his own historical, theological, and cultural commentary, but will be most impressed by the sheer diversity of stories and experiences of those who converted in prison or on their front porch, to those who reverted in Australia and Bolivia, and those who found Islam on Facebook, through Latinx specific organizations, their future spouses, in dreams, or even while smoking weed and drinking a 22oz. of Heineken. Not only does this text do well to let the stories stand for themselves and permit Latinx Muslims' voices to be heard above all else, but it also provides a wealth of primary data for researchers and interested students looking to learn more. 

2. American Prisons: A Critical Primer on Culture and Conversion to Islam by SpearIt

On this point of conversions of prison, SpearIt presents an overview of prison culture in the U.S. with a specific focus on the role of Islam and Muslims within the system. The main point of this anthology is that "problems in prison are not isolated from society, and [prisons] are not neatly cornered off from society, but rather, are partners in toxic relationships with the communities to which ex-prisoners return."

Against, and alongside, what he posits as a poisonous prison system he showcases the spiritual journeys of many Muslims who convert while incarcerated. Significantly, he includes an exploration and analysis of Latinx Muslims -- their conversions, their communities, and their central importance in telling the story of Islam in the U.S. 

3. 40 Sayings of Prophet Muhammad by Daniel Abdullah Hernandez

One of the more significant voices in my research has been "Imam Danny." He is a scholar, an inter-religious leader, and a friend. His tireless efforts at understanding, communicating, and sharing Islamic theology are well appreciated by many Muslims -- Latinx and otherwise. 

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His most recent project is a labor of love that also opens up a window into the influence of Latinx Muslims in the process of Islamic theology in the U.S. and abroad. Not only have Latinx Muslims been producing works, and translating works into, Spanish over the last 40 years, they have also been creating new works in English. Imam Hernandez's efforts at translating and collecting 42 hadith, reports of the words and deeds of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and other early Muslims, on the five pillars of Islamic practice (confessing the faith, prayer, charity, fasting, and the hajj pilgrimage) are quick, practical, references for intentional Muslims. More than that, they are another prime example of indigenous knowledge production and leadership among Latinx Muslims who are making an impact on their religion in the U.S. and abroad. It is evidence that Latinx Muslims are not only being shaped by the global umma (Muslim community) but also shaping it with their words and deeds. 

4. "Latino Muslims in the United States Reversion, Politics, and Islamidad," Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Religion by Gaston Espinosa, Juan Galvan, and Harold Morales

This journal article lauds itself as the first large-scale survey research on the demographics of the Latinx Muslim community and the question of why Latina/os converted to Islam. There has been important research conducted in this area, but as they note it has largely been limited to smaller numbers in particular cities and without any consistent methodology. As they wrote, "This study seeks to help fill this gap in the literature by analyzing the survey results of 560 Latino Muslims across the U.S."

What they provide is the most comprehensive picture of the general make-up and sociological contours of the Latinx Muslim community in the U.S. They also make a critical interlude by discussing the idea of "Islamidad" -- a distinct Latinx Muslim identity that resists complete assimilation to Arab cultural norms even as it reimagines and expands what it means to be Latinx and Muslim.

5. Latino and Muslim in America: Race, Religion, and the Making of a New Minority by Harold Morales

This book, which comes out in April, is a highly anticipated and pioneering monograph that,  "examines how so-called 'minority groups' are made, fragmented, and struggle for recognition in the U.S.A." To do so, it focuses on the story of, "Latino Muslims [who] celebrate their intersecting identities both in their daily lives and in their mediated representations online."

While I have yet to get my hands on this book, the publisher's description gives us an overview:

“In this book, Harold Morales follows the lives of several Latino Muslim leaders from the 1970’s to the present, and their efforts to organize and unify nationally in order to solidify the new identity group’s place within the public sphere. Based on four years of ethnography, media analysis and historical research, Morales demonstrates how the phenomenon of Latinos converting to Islam emerges from distinctive immigration patterns and laws, urban spaces, and new media technologies that have increasingly brought Latinos and Muslims in to contact with one another. He explains this growing community as part of the mass exodus out of the Catholic Church, the digitization of religion, and the growth of Islam. Latino and Muslim in America explores the racialization of religion, the framing of religious conversion experiences, the dissemination of post-colonial histories, and the development of Latino Muslim networks, to show that the categories of race, religion, and media are becoming inextricably entwined.”

As is evident from the above, research from, and on, Latinx Muslims is on the rise. The above provides valuable fodder and necessary provocation for further research and understanding by broader Muslim, American, and Latinx populations. Reflection, writing, and research is getting  deeper and wider and that’s a good thing.

Of course, to be more cognizant, and fine-tuned, in researching Latinx Muslims, researchers have to ask the right questions in a community that is still growing, emerging, and solidifying itself. Future research must be deeper and broader still, more thoroughly theoretical in its approach, and perhaps focused on some of the following suggested areas for further research: 

• more understanding of, and from, Latinx Muslim women who provide a rich, unique, and gendered place and perspective within a community where they are the majority; 

• investigations of specific Latinx influence on Islamic doctrine and Muslim practice in the U.S. and abroad; 

• further exploration of the accents and considerable transnational lives of Latinx Muslims. I am aiming to provide more on this in my own dissertation research with Puerto Rican Muslims and in my forthcoming book from Hurst Publishers and Oxford University Press on Islam and Muslim communities in Latin America and the Caribbean. 

Certainly, there is more left to discover about the nuances of this community’s narrative and how they fit into the global Muslim picture. Yet, the above works help provide a firm, and comprehensive, foundation for this further research.

Just 100 years ago the Latinx Muslim community in the U.S. scantly existed, if it was present at all. Today, Latinx Muslims have the opportunity to shape Islam and Muslim communities in the U.S., in Latin America, and across the globe with their particular accent on its theology, practice, and expansion and via the various media of global communication and contact between multiple cultures and communities. The above works showcase how this is already happening and why it matters. 

Insta to World Religions Launches Tuesday 1/23!

In an op-ed written for the Orange Country Register right before the holiday season, Joel Kotkin — the R.C. Hobbs Presidential Fellow in Urban Futures at Chapman University — wrote that, “it is hard to deny that we live in an increasingly post-religious civilization.”

While he admits that there are emerging alternative, non-institutional, forms of religion and spirituality and decries the dangers of the potent religion-plus-politics mix, his argument is an old one — that traditional religions are in terminal decline in the industrialized world. 

He couldn’t be more wrong. 

Religion has always been with us. And it still is. 

Throughout history, it has expressed the deepest questions human beings can ask, and it has taken a central place in the lives of virtually all civilizations and cultures. As we think all the way back to the dawn of human consciousness, we find religion everywhere we turn. And it hasn’t gone away. 

In the spirit of understanding religion — what it is, why it is, where it is, how it develops, changes, and shapes our world even as it is shaped by it — I am launching a new, public, platform for religious literacy: INSTA TO WORLD RELIGIONS. 

If you’re interested in learning more about religion, curious about various religious traditions, or just like pretty pictures, videos, and stories on Instagram this course is for you. 

The idea is to teach the equivalent of an introduction to world religions course via images, videos, stories and blogs and do so through Instagram.

I will kick off the course on Tuesday January 23rd! 

Each week, from Tuesday to Thursday, I will post photos, videos, stories, and blogs to explain the basic worldviews, rituals, material culture, and beliefs of Hindu, Jain, Buddhist, Chinese, Japanese, Indigenous, Christian, Jewish, and Muslim traditions as well as New Religious Movements and “religion beyond religion.” 

The course will also include an exploration of the very category of “what religion is” and dive into the social, political, and cultural elements that come into play in the development and understanding of the religions we are studying. It is my hope that our course will provide a way for you to not only learn more about other religions, but also engage with your own perspective and promote a posture of respectful curiosity and imaginative empathy toward learning more about religious traditions other than your own. 

I invite you to join me next Tuesday to start the course by talking more about WHY we should study religion in this day and age and how despite the overblown claims of some, religion is powerful and persistent, and shows no signs of disappearing. 

What is Eid al-Adha? Why do Muslims seem to celebrate it twice a year?

From The Conversation:

At sundown on August 31, Muslims all over the world will celebrate one of the principal festivals, Eid al-Adha. Earlier in June, Muslims celebrated Eid al-Fitr. Ken Chitwood, Ph.D. candidate studying global Islam, explains the two Islamic festivals.

What is Eid?

Eid literally means a “festival” or “feast” in Arabic. It is celebrated twice a year as Eid al-Adha, (pronounced eed al-Ahd-huh) and Eid al-Fitr. 

Why is it celebrated twice a year?

The two Eids recognize, celebrate and recall two distinct events that are significant to the story of the Islamic faith.

Hola, Allah: Welcome to the Country’s Only Latino Mosque

You step into a place like Centro Islámico, and you don’t feel marginalized. You’re able to be Latino and Muslim at the same time. Your identity is whole.

These are some of the words I shared with Houstonia magazine writer Adam Doster. Having lived in Houston for four years, studied alongside Latinx Muslims in my time there, and continuing as a scholar interested in how Muslim communities in Latin America, the Caribbean, and the Latinx U.S. thrive, adapt, and grow I was honored to contribute to Adam's story. 

For more on how these Latinx Muslims have made Houston their home and to read some of my commentary, click the link below.

How ISIS justifies its use of human shields

The Iraqi coalition’s battle against al-Dawla al-Islamiyya (ISIS) fighters in Mosul, Iraq appears to be coming to a close. Reuters reported,

“Seven months into the U.S.-backed campaign, the militants now control only a few districts in the western half of Mosul including the Old City, where Islamic State is expected to make its last stand. The Iraqi government is pushing to declare victory by the holy month of Ramadan, expected to begin on May 27, even if pockets of resistance remain in the Old City, according to military commanders.

As the battle intensifies in its final stages the civilian death toll rages on. Indeed, as TIME reported, “civilian deaths in the battle surged to an all-time high in March.”

The same TIME article made note of how ISIS is using residents of Mosul as “human shields.” Throughout the battle in Mosul there have been numerous reports — from intelligence agencies and news outlets — about innocent civilians being used as “shields” by ISIS fighters. It appears that these civilian deaths are caused by a mix of Iraqi forces’ and U.S. coalition’s tactics and the sheer audacity of ISIS’s practices.

How is it that ISIS can justify the use of human shields? Is it pure barbarism or have the come to see this as a morally reasonable act? Is this practice acceptable according to Muslim law? Is it even shared amongst jihadis? 

An open conversation about life, faith, & society

Let's talk about stuff. Stuff like a pastor getting caught at counseling. About violence. About being overwhelmed in a digital world. About life, faith, and Jesus. Let's talk. 

That's what THRED is about. As the folks at THRED explain, the aim of this new website is that everyone's perspectives and experiences are valid. Each and everyone's thoughts on tough topics matter. THRED believes that we can learn through dialogue and that the hardest topics should be talked about more, not less.

And so, I've joined the THRED writing team and wrote on several topics for them -- specifically those mentioned above. The posts are aimed at a broad audience. While influenced by my faith and personal experiences, they are meant for everyone. I invite you to check out the THRED site and find my work on counseling, digital tech, and more! 

Islam as part of, rather than as foreign to, the West

Islam in the West. A simple enough statement, but one with multiple derivative implications. For this volume’s purposes, editor Edward E. Curtis IV makes it clear from the start that Islam is to be imagined “as part of, rather than as foreign to” to that which is referred to as “the West” (1).

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This point may seem subtle, but it is vitally important in a climate—both popular and academic—that imagines Muslims as outsiders to “Western culture,” and as unassimilated foreigners in matters of national Western polity.

The Bloomsbury Reader on Islam in the West stakes an important position by not only including readings that exhibit this current bias against Muslims as part of a vision of some trumped-up “clash of civilizations,” but also by showcasing work that highlights the specific and textured ways in which Muslims have long been part of the West and been intimately involved in its political, economic, social, cultural, and religious make-up.

Exploring the presence, and effect, of Muslims in the lands now collectively called “the West” from 711 (when Muslim polity ruled the Iberian Peninsula) to 2015 (amidst the “Global War on Terror”), the book is ambitious in scope and diverse in its contents. It is divided into two parts: “Islam in Western history,” and “Islam in the contemporary West.”

Muslim Superheroes Now Available for Presale

The roster of Muslim superheroes in the comic book medium has grown over the years, as has the complexity of their depictions.

A new book -- Muslim Superheroes -- tracks the initial absence, reluctant inclusion, tokenistic employment, and then nuanced scripting of Islamic protagonists in the American superhero comic book market and beyond. 

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I was honored to contribute my own chapter, "Hero and/or Villain? The 99 and the Hybrid Nature of Popular Culture's Production of Islam."  

This scholarly anthology investigates the ways in which Muslim superhero characters fulfill, counter, or complicate Western stereotypes and navigate popular audience expectations globally, under the looming threat of Islamophobia. The contributors consider assumptions buried in the very notion of a character who is both a superhero and a Muslim with an interdisciplinary and international focus characteristic of both Islamic studies and comics studies scholarship. Muslim Superheroes investigates both intranational American racial formation and international American geopolitics, juxtaposed with social developments outside U.S. borders.

Providing unprecedented depth to the study of Muslim superheroes, this collection analyzes, through a series of close readings and comparative studies, how Muslim and non-Muslim comics creators and critics have produced, reproduced, and represented different conceptions of Islam and Muslimness embodied in the genre characters.

My chapter in particular deals with The 99 comic book series, which features a predominately Muslim cast of characters whose gifts and superhero powers embody the ninety-nine attributes of Allah from the Qur’an. Debuted in 2006, The 99 captured imaginations and interest, especially with its protagonists in perpetual battle with Rughal, a character styled, in part, on the likes of dissident jihadi leaders such as Osama bin Laden. Al-Mutawa received praise from U.S. President Barack Obama and other national leaders in the Middle East and Europe, but also faced litigation at home in Kuwait and detractors in the U.S. who believed his characters personify terror and so-called “radical Islam.”

Indeed, in my chapter I make the case that The 99’s contents and creator – situated in their historical and political context and analyzed according to subsequent critical receptions on multiple sides – can be read as hybrid entities that undermine simplistic readings of Islam along the lines of the “clash of civilizations” perspective. The 99 positions Islam as a multivalent religious repository that resists essentialization. The comic does the same with “the West.” 

I invite you to unpack more of the meaning in Muslim Superheroes and pre-order the book today. Questions, send them along via my Contact page. 

What's up with Westworld?

Westworld -- a sci-fi Western thriller on HBO -- has taken the television world by storm. It features a cast of characters navigating a theme park where guests can pay to indulge any adventure with the android population in the park, including sexual encounters or fights to the death. As you could imagine, things get weird. 

One of the weirdest things is that there is the question of whether or not these androids have souls. Or, if doing whatever humans want to these beings is ethical or sinful. 

To talk about these quandaries, Kimberly Winston of Religion News Service interviewed me for a piece entitled, "HBO'S Westworld: Robot Sex and the Nature of the Soul." 

She opens with:

...as unsettling as some of the scenes in “Westworld” are, the show raises theological questions about what it means to be human and what it costs us to sacrifice our humanity for momentary pleasure.

Continue reading to explore more about android souls and affect theory, robot sex and sin. 

Turning our eyes to Islam in Latin America & the Caribbean

A paradox lies at the heart of the contemporary study of global Islam.

In the wake of the 9/11 attacks and the subsequent “war on terror,” which has recapitulated the Huntingtonian clash of civilizations thesis and its emphasis on the false dichotomy between “Islam” and “the West" there has concomitantly been an increase in the academic attention afforded to the study of Islam. 

Although the number of Islamic studies degrees conferred has more than doubled in the past decade, Islamic studies has also been remained largely confined to the regions of the Middle East, North Africa, and Asia, leaving Muslim communities in Africa, Asia, Oceania, Europe, and the Americas to the wayside. In a word, even with the rise of the study of global Islam, its scope has failed to fully incorporate other geographies and the study of Islam beyond the Middle East is still underrepresented. Thus, there is still a pertinent need to globalize the study of “global Islam.”

For over a thousand years, Islam has been integral to what is known as "Western civilization." Even so, it is too often assumed assumed that Islam is a foreign element and Muslims in the West are doomed to be out of place and in perpetual conflict. The need for accurate, reliable scholarship on this topic is terribly urgent.

Thus, this has become the focus of my academic research on Islam in the Americas. I am convinced that understanding currents in global Islam -- peaceful and violent, widespread and vernacular, popular and institutional -- must be understood from a truly global perspective, while at the same time being embedded in local histories, tensions, movement, and exchanges. Exploring American Islam -- from Canada to the Caribbean, from Phoenix, Arizona to Patagonia, Argentina -- is a prime manner in which to do so. 

Recently I published a book chapter and a peer-reviewed journal article to that effect. The first is titled, "Exploring Islam in the Americas from Demographic and Ethnographic Perspectives." This chapter in Brill's Yearbook of International Religious Demography: 2016 discusses some population data concerning Muslims in the Americas and offers pathways for further research based on these statistics. These demographics invite a more thorough study of under-appreciated religious populations that present ample opportunities for research in cultural studies, sociology, anthropology, and specifically apropos to the ethnographic study of religion.

The latter work was recently published in the Waikato Islamic Studies Review Vol. 2, No. 2 out of New Zealand. The aim of this paper is to intermesh prevalent theories about globalization with the study of Islam, both historically and contemporaneously. It is, effectively, an attempt to globalize the study of Islam in the Americas and offer several brief examples of avenues to approach this study in the hope to not only feature existent work in the field, but offer further areas for consideration and future research. It covers Islam in Mexico, Puerto Rico, the Latina/o U.S.A., and in the "digital borderlands" of Latina/o Muslim specific Facebook pages. 

Thank you for taking the time to learn more about American Islam's history, contemporary manifestations, and linkages to global Islamic dynamics. Also, for those of you wondering...I am still in my "comp cave." My exams last from mid-October until mid-December. I look forward to returning to the world of writing, analysis, and news commentary in January 2017! 

The 2 Questions Neither Political Party is Asking

It is rare to hear a U.S. political party convention theme couched as a question. Conventions, for good reason, are typically oriented around statements — grand and bellicose, rallying and inspiring.

Last week, the Republican Party’s convention centered on the theme, “Make America Great Again.” This week, the Democratic Party’s theme is, “United Together.” Each is meant to galvanize the party’s base and entice voters with their vision for the United States. But what if they circled around a question? What if our political process — particularly in this poignant moment — started with a set of queries?

Beignets, Po-Boys, & a Youth Gathering

Join Ken in NOLA for the LCMS NYG!

Too many acronyms? Let's break it down. Ken will be speaking in New Orleans (NOLA) for the Lutheran Church - Missouri Synod's (LCMS) National Youth Gathering (NYG) from July 17-19, 2016. 

Having been a part of the last few NYGs as a participant, volunteer, and speaker Ken is excited to return for the 2016 edition to speak on two topics close to his heart: faith and popular culture and Islam! 

Here are the sessions Ken will be leading. Both will be interactive sessions that will invite participants to engage with questions, comments, and reactions to the topic. If you're in town for the gathering, be sure to come and check them out: 

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What Have Cassettes to do with Christianity? Instagram with Islam?

Perusing the Facebook group “United in Islam in South Africa” one finds a variety of posts that might catch one’s attention. From agriculturally informed exhortations, to charity, to the posting of events in Tshwane/Pretoria, to quotes of Ibn Taymiyyah and other sources the posts on the page are wide in range, source, and influence—some yielding likes and comments, others sitting silent on the page. 

One particularly popular post called for du’a (non-obligatory prayer) to be made for rain in the Gauteng province including Johannesburg. On several days a woman began by saying “Bismillahir Rahmanir Raheem” (“in the name of Allah, most Gracious, most Merciful”) expressing shukr (thanks) and calling for rakaats (units of prayer) in grateful response. The other most popular post on the page shows Syrian refugees seeking asylum in Europe. 

Here, on Facebook, in the digital borderlands, the global and local are meeting as South African Muslims interact with Muslims from across the globe and share media, meditations, and methods of piety online with “likes” and “comments” the affirmations in place of vocal takbirs (informal expressions of faith with the acclamation, “Allahu akbar” or “God is great”). The petitions and posts on the page are predicated by both global concerns and local conditions. As such, this short vignette and case can serve well as a piquing entrée into the digital and electronic media world, which is part of a large religious, social, economic, and political patchwork across Africa.

As intimated by the case above Africa’s religious media scene is rapidly evolving and constantly engaging. The book New Media and Religious Transformations in Africa seeks to cast a critical eye on this area of study and “focus on the diverse religious transformations being generated by the explosion of media technologies—both old and new—across Africa” (p. 5). It is the contention of this review that this text is a helpful primer on the historical and contemporary ways that media—old and new, print and digital—have shaped, are shaped by, and continue to shape religion in Africa.

This is your brain on 'radicalization'

*This is a guest post from Marc-André Argentino and Dalia Sabra of Concordia University in Montreal, Canada whom I met at the International Society for the Study of Religion, Nature, and Culture (ISSRNC) conference in January 2016 at UF. 

In December 2015, a young man of 16 years of age was the first to be convicted under the new terrorism laws in Canada. The young man robbed a corner store, with the intent of using the money to travel abroad and fight in Syria. Depending on whether he will be sentenced as a youth or an adult, the 16 year old is facing anywhere from 10 years to life in prison. Currently, Canada has no system or plan in place to deal with such an individual.

More than simple prison time is needed for this youth, and this is what the long term project will be: to identify how an individual was radicalized and then implement proper cognitive behaviour therapy, amongst other treatments and interventions, ultimately to deradicalize individuals. Part and parcel of this plan is to better understand the role played by religion and ideology in violent behaviours and actions.

This is what Marc-André Argentino and Dalia Sabra have decided to tackle since 2014 from a multidisciplinary perspective. Radicalization and terrorism is a multifaceted problem that must be faced from the perspective of the hard and social sciences. Therefore, they have decided to tackle this problem together by offering their expertise in their respective fields of Neuroscience (Dalia) and of Psychology of Religion (Marc-André).

The goal of their research is to develop a model of de-radicalization based on Cognitive Behaviour Therapy to help those who are at risk of being radicalized and decondition those who have been radicalized.

Their project for this conference was a neurological and psychological study of traits and behaviours associated to radicalization. From a neuropsychological perspective, ideologies are perceived as emotionally-laden systems of ideas and values that are highly relevant to group decisions and negotiations. When members of a group face a decision, they often have to deal with how ideologies held by various group members impede movement toward consensus.

Negotiations among group members and between members of different groups can be hindered by misunderstandings and blockages resulting from the possession of conflicting ideologies. According to the theory of emotional coherence, people make decisions and other inferences based on how well competing alternatives fit overall with their beliefs and goals. Decision making is not a mathematically careful calculation of probabilities and utilities, but rather an emotional assessment of how well opposing actions might accomplish valued goals. Research on the role of ideology in the radicalization process has been performed in both the social sciences as well as the hard sciences; however these studies fail to provide a complete image as they leave out important elements from their counterparts.

As embodied creatures, human beings are victims of their genetic and neurological makeup as well as their environmental interactions. The brain is designed to generate behaviour appropriate to environmental circumstances. Consequentially, when considering the role of ideologies and their impacts, scholars and clinicians need to navigate this through a multidisciplinary lens. 

As their survey concluded, neither of these approaches provide definitive answers, for the scientific or the social scientific approach alone cannot provide us with a complete picture. In light of this, they propose that gene and environment interplay can provide a more complete picture of what religion has to do with violence and the radicalization process and what our brain and genes have to do with this behaviour. What this implies is that the expression of genes in an individual can be influenced by the environment they inhabit.

For instance, an individual may have a genetic predisposition to violent behaviors, but may not show this trait unless he or she experiences environmental risk factors at an early age. Some environments can serve as a protective factor and prevent future behavioral problems whereas others can amplify the risk of acting on those behaviors. Therefore, they argue that gene and environment interplay provides the best of both worlds and provides them with the most complete picture of the problem of radicalization. 

They further argue for the importance of neuroplasticity, as the human brain is constantly changing and being moulded by the environment in which we are living. Consequentially, the importance of psychological elements that can lead to violent behaviour cannot be denied. In particular, when examining the psychological effect of religious beliefs, they found that religion provided similar environmental elements, which impacts the process of recruitment and terrorist action. Factors such as: group psychology (group polarization, group competition, group isolation), identity construct (in-group out-group structures), victimization and humiliation (personal grievance, slippery slope), the psychological effect of ideology, etc. are all elements that will effect neuroplasticity.

There are plenty forms of interventions that exist, from pharmaceutical to behavioral therapies. Nonetheless, some interventions tend to be short term whereas other tend to be long term. Dalia and Marc-André propose that cognitive behavioral therapy be used as a long term solution. This type of intervention holds that maladaptive cognitions contribute to the maintenance of emotional distress and behavioral problems. Basically, maladaptive cognitions include general beliefs or schemas about the world or the self. The main goal of this therapy is cognitive reconstructing, helping a person learn to recognize negative patterns of thought, evaluate their validity and replace them with healthier ways of thinking.

Ultimately, they conclude that religious ideologies are but one of the environmental factors that can interact with genetic and neurological factors, others have yet to be fully explored as they construct a full mapping of the radicalization process. Ultimately, once their model is complete, their goal would be to work with psychiatrists and other therapists to create the necessary diagnostic tools, as well as implement cognitive behavioral therapy to prevent and decondition these individuals that have been radicalized, which would be applicable to a multiplicity of radicals and terrorists. 

This project in Montreal has been growing and the researchers will be founding an interdisciplinary "violence, radicalization and terrorism research group" in the fall at Concordia. Their hope is to break down barriers between academic silos and provide fresh research from multiple perspectives. If you are interested in learning more, send an e-mail. 

"A Pilgrim's Tale of Religious Body Art" published in Diolog magazine

This summer I got a pilgrimage tattoo in Jerusalem. It was an amazing experience. You know what's even better? After writing about it on my blog Diolog magazine -- the Texas Episcopalian digital magazine -- asked to publish it. Even better? The editor Carol Barnwell paid me with a pecan pie. It was delicious. I can only hope the article is as well. Check out how it starts below and then head over to the digital site to read the rest! 

Apparently, getting tattoed on your chest is one of the more painful spots one can get a tattoo. When I buzzed the “call up” button with the name “Razzouk” sketched in Sharpie above it in one of the winding alleyways of the suq in the Old City of Jerusalem I didn’t know that little tidbit. What I did know was that I was about to be in contact with a seven-century old tattooing tradition. 

Indeed, for nearly 700 years tattooing has been the profession and the prestige of the Razzouk family. I finally found the parlor by asking a jeweler near the Jaffa Gate, “I’m looking for a tattoo artist, do you know…?” Before I could finish my sentence, the jeweler said, “You mean the Razzouks?” Their name and notoriety preceded my rendezvous with history. 

It's time to change the way we talk about Islam -- you can't just blame the media

Terrorism. Violence. Extremists. Bombs. The list could go on.

These were some of the responses at a recent community action forum hosted by Welcoming Gainesville—a local organization seeking to create a space for immigrants to thrive in their new community—when participants were asked by Hassan Shibly, the executive director of the Council on American-Islamic Relations in Florida, what the first words were that came to mind when they heard “Islam in the media.”

When asked why, the crowd collectively concurred that the media over-reported instances where Muslims committed acts of violence, avoided calling non-Muslim violent extremists “terrorists,” and generally did a poor job of covering Islam.

The diversity and unity of Sufism: a conversation with Peter Samsel

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SUFISM is sometimes called “the inner power” of Islam because of its focus on the Qur'an, the Prophet Mohammad, and tawḥīd— the ultimate divine oneness of God. Nevertheless, it is often misunderstood by both well-meaning newcomers and those seeking to strip Islam of its authenticity. While recognizing the complexity of all religions, independent scholar Peter Samsel wants to simplify Sufism in his book A Treasury of Sufi Wisdom, which includes a collection of and commentary on Sufi works. His aim is to provide a unifying concept to Sufi thought and practice, introducing the newcomer to its depths and diversity while also sharing its simplicity.

Samsel said that his background “is best summarized as a lifelong quest for the real” and that his journey with Sufism was, and is, driven by comparing religion and seeking wisdom in Sufi masters. Hence, his desire to share the wisdom of Sufi luminaries with a broader audience in this Treasury. At the core of Islam and its expression in Sufism, according to Samsel, is the concept of “divine unity” — tawḥīd.

*READ the unedited interview transcript HERE.

Often, Sufism is conceived as the mystical dimension of Islam. What does that tell us? Ready to admit that Sufism adapts and changes with time and according to its social, political, and cultural context Louis Brenner attempted a definition of Sufism as, “a spiritual discipline intended to liberate the human spirit from its corporeal shell and enable it to move closer to God” or as “spiritual work that…aims at the transformation of the hidden or inner aspect of the human being.” This inner work has to do with the divine breath, or spirit, that is imbued in each individual, which is both visible and hidden. The idea is to transfer what is hidden into what is manifest and thus transport the Muslim from one state of being to another, moving from hidden and removed from God to being in his presence. 

What is the spiritual work and/or discipline associated with Sufism? The three primary means are education, rituals, and initiatic relationships. Sufis are often believed to join the aforementioned tariqas and to begin an ascetic, discipled, relationship with an emir or wali or “saint” or “friend of God.” This relationship is perceived as central to the progression of a Sufi as the wali is seen to have a particular and blessed relationship with God, which in turn gives him a powerful baraka, or spiritual power and blessing. Certain spaces and places, either associated with that saint or deemed holy by Sufis, are also filled with baraka such as caves, shrines,  tombs, mountains, or other natural areas. In the context of such an order, and in contact with the baraka, the Sufi disciple will learn the “science of Sufism” through education practices centered first on the outward and sensual aspects of the Qur’an, Shari’a, and Islamic law before coming to consider the mystical, inner, and hidden aspects of the above that can only be appreciated through spiritual senses. Spiritual senses are honed through ritual prayer, dhikr — remembrance of the names and attributes of God, wird — secret litanies passed on through emirs and saints or revealed directly by God, ascetic practices, seclusion rituals, dance, movement, and the like. These are the oft presented “spiritual disciplines” associated with Sufism, both as a concept and as a phenomenon. 

Furthermore, Sufis are often conceived as mystical Muslims in pursuit of “the greater jihad” of inner spiritual struggle and more likely to merge Muslim concepts and practices with local, indigenous, beliefs and observances. This has led some researching Islam in Africa to speak of Sufism — with its seeming improvisation, contextualization, and leniency in pursuit of inner transformation — as representative of “African Islam” in contradistinction to “Islam in Africa,” typified by Salafis bent on reform and strict adherence to commanding right and forbidding wrong according to universal/global Muslim faith and piety. Beyond Africa Sufism is held up as a paragon in the “good Muslim”/“bad Muslim” dichotomy. Again, Sufis appear to outsiders as mystical monk-like Muslims pursuing peace and a piety of transformation in the face of violent and radical Muslims hell-bent on world domination and enforcing their brutal and unbending interpretation of Islam through “the lesser jihad” of physical war. 

However, these conceptions of Sufism are more indicative of an etic analytical concept than any type of self-identifying or emic understanding of what Sufism is or is not. Furthermore, using this term to refer to a broad and complex sodality such as “Sufism” obscures as much as, if not more than, it may reveal. Sufism is not a defined sect or denomination of Islam, as it is often represented to be. While it can be organized into formal networks and brotherhoods it is more often diffuse and integrated into other streams of Islam (Sunni, Shi’i, etc.). Furthermore, the phenomena associated with Sufism (e.g. wird, dhikr, asceticism etc.) are not universally observed among those seeking inner transformation through Islam. Moreover, Sufis are not always apolitical or necessarily peaceful. Tijaniyya and Muridiyya in Senegal have long been involved in politics (one Murid serving as president) and the Naqshbandi of the Levant being heavily involved in sectarian violence following the U.S. led invasion of Iraq. Kane notes how the “Baro brothers” — the sons of a significant Tijaniyya family — use shrine pilgrimage to consolidate power and “prove their spiritual rank” more than as a ritual practice of devotion or transcendence. Sufis can also prove patriarchal, as Joseph Hill argued in the context of Sufi leadership in Senegal among Taalibe Baay, and be advocates of reform and the enforcement of standards of universal Islamic practice. Indeed, it is difficult to construct or conceive of Sufism as any sort of essentialized entity or sui generis sensation.

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The autor, Peter Samsel (PHOTO: World Wisdom). 

And yet, Samsel said that the, “aim and fruition [of tawḥīd] is to clarify the overwhelming, singular Divine reality in all its ramifications.” In a world that threatens to inundate the spiritual seeker in complexity and chaos Samsel contends Sufism offers a path that unifies the self in the face of the manifestation of Divine unity in one’s life. 

To present this path and share it with an audience outside of traditional Sufi orders and brotherhoods involved a tremendous amount of reading in the primary literature of Sufism, said Samsel. He also had to ponder the question of what exactly Sufism is. Scholars, practitioners, and the public are often uncertain or inexact in their estimations of what Islamic mysticism is all about. Samuel believes this “Path of Unity” leads people into the core of Sufism and even of life itself. 

In addition, Samsel hopes the work will correct distortions of Sufism and Islam. Samsel said, “the most typical misrepresentation of Sufism is that it is not authentically Islamic, whether this is claimed by Muslim fundamentalists, Muslim modernists, or Western spiritual seekers. However, scholarly consensus has long recognized Sufism as intrinsic to Islam.” Samsel is convinced that, “Sufi writings are, in fact, profoundly grounded in Islam’s foundational sources, as the anthology readily serves to demonstrate.”

In final estimation, Samsel intends for the Treasury to provide “orientation and inspiration.” He said he hopes the book will appeal to both Western spiritual seekers and Muslims. For the former, that they may “be attracted to a spiritual way that nourishes the conjoined perspectives of both love and knowledge,” said Samsel. For the latter he said, “I hope it may also appeal to Muslims who may be caught in a dry, legalistic understanding of their faith with perhaps little notion of the spiritual depths it possesses.” While such an anthology, he said, “cannot capture every subtlety of a lived path such as Sufism,” Samsel believes this is a great place for anyone to start on the path to Sufi wisdom or to get a solid basis in Sufi thought and its inherently Islamic philosophical foundations. 

*To read the book for yourself, click HERE.